The Rev. Sarah C. Stewart
Sometimes it seems like it’s hard to see clear examples of classism. We try to avoid looking at the markers of class, try to pretend that differences in class don’t exist, that while there may be poor people or rich people “out there,” everyone we know is just like us. But class differences are all around us, and we confront them at a personal level and a societal level all the time. We confront a diversity of family incomes and personal financial backgrounds in this congregation alone. Apart from diversity of belief, diversity of class may be the way in which Starr King Fellowship is most diverse, but we may not even be aware of all the differences among us. Class differences can be covered up and ignored if we wish to.
As you probably know if you have been reading, watching or listening to the news at all lately, New Hampshire’s legislature has been working to close a budget gap of nearly 300 million dollars (Fahey). Our state makes almost all of its money from a very few sources. We pay property taxes to the state–all of us, since those of us who rent have landlords who pay property tax, and landlords presumably pass that cost on in rent. If you’re a business owner, you pay taxes on your real business property as well. Individuals can be subject to an interest and dividends tax. There’s a rooms and meals tax, a gasoline tax, and a business income tax. The current budget is trying to extend the business income tax to limited liability corporations. The state liquor stores make money off the sale of wine and the exclusive sale of hard liquor. There are fees on everything–fees for parks, for hunting licenses, for car registration. We don’t have sales tax or a personal income tax.
Much of the budget gap has been closed with cuts and new revenue sources in the tens of millions. Services will be cut by thirty-two million dollars. The state will seek private development of the rest areas off I-93 in Hooksett in order to bring in more revenue. The government will sell bonds and sell some other pieces of property . The two biggest items, however, which could have brought in more revenue, are the most controversial: an income tax and expanded gambling (Fahey).
I’m not going to talk about an income tax this morning. I support a broad-based, progressive, fair tax structure for our state, and I personally would be willing to pay more in taxes in exchange for more services from the government. But the possibility of a new broad-based tax is far from the legislature’s mind and will right now, in part because they have been seduced by another possibility: expanded gambling.
It took me a while to figure out what I thought about expanded gambling. Then I had a personal moment where I came face to face with my own classism, and I began to figure it out. I was stopping in the convenience store at one of the gas stations on Holderness Road, by the entrance to the freeway. Standing in line to buy my drink, I saw two women come in, talking to each other about what they were making for dinner. I made two assumptions about them right away, as soon as I saw them and heard their conversation: they were coming from office jobs (judging from their clothes) and they were native New Englanders (judging from their accents). Then they headed to the lottery ticket side of the counter, and I added one more assumption: unlike me, in my enlightened state, they didn’t understand the futility of the lottery.
Not entirely futile, as it turns out: one of the women had won 40 dollars on a scratch ticket, and had it with her to turn in for her prize. She didn’t even take the money from the clerk. She waved him off when he reached to open the cash drawer and used her winnings to buy more lottery tickets instead. I couldn’t believe it. Forty dollars! Once you’ve won forty dollars on the lottery, you should stop playing forever. It will never get better than that. I began to think of all the things I could do with forty dollars, paid for my soda, and left the store feeling very self-righteous.
It didn’t take long to deflate that sense of righteous indignation. I told the story to my husband that night, and I began to think out loud about what I would do if I won forty dollars. Let’s assume that I don’t need to spend it on necessities like housing or food. I might buy a book or two. I might buy a board game. I might go out to eat. I might buy yarn for a knitting project. In other words, I would spend it on entertainment. I assume the woman in the convenience store didn’t need the forty dollars for necessities, either. I had already made the assumption that she had a job she was coming home from, and she didn’t hesitate to spend her winnings on more tickets. So it stands to reason that I should see her lottery purchase in the same way I would see my own purchases: entertainment. She had forty dollars to spend, and she spent them having a good time. Who am I to judge what she does with her entertainment dollar?
Now, as entertainment goes, it doesn’t matter to me if one person spends her money on yarn and another spends it on lottery tickets. Learning this has been part of getting rid of one piece of my class blinkers. It is easy to deride the choices of different groups simply because they are not the same as our choices. More lower-income people play the lottery than higher-income people. This doesn’t mean that I should look down my nose at options other people choose.
That is not to say that there are not problems with gambling. The kind of gambling New Hampshire already has–a state-run lottery, horse-racing, and bingo–and the type that senators, especially Senator Lou D’Allessandro, are proposing to close the budget gap–video slot machines–are favored by poorer people. In addition, video slot machines prey especially on lower-income groups. Video slot machines are more likely than other forms of gambling to promote addiction, and, according to a study on the relationship between demography and gambling addiction, disadvantaged neighborhoods are ten times more likely to experience gambling addiction than wealthy neighborhoods. In the poorest, most disadvantaged neighborhoods the researchers studied, ten percent of the residents were found to be problem or pathological gamblers, compared with less than one percent in the richest, most advantaged neighborhoods (Welte 418). This same study found that a person’s chance of being a problem or pathological gambler was more than twice as high if a casino was located within ten miles of his or her home (419).
Still, as a society, we condone making some forms of discretionary behavior available to everyone, even though a minority abuses those behaviors. Alcohol and cigarettes are legal, for instance–and much like the proposed expanded gambling, the state regulates and benefits from the sale of liquor and wine, and taxes the sale of cigarettes. Coffee, a substance much more addictive than alcohol (although much less harmful in its addiction), is not only legal–we build temples to it on street corners all over the country. Non-addictive, but potentially dangerous, activities are also legal: riding motorcycles, using chainsaws, climbing Mount Washington, hunting, eating raw fish, even driving a car. So it’s clearly not in the state’s interest to ban all potentially addictive or all potentially dangerous behavior.
The difference here is that Senator D’Allessandro and others are proposing to balance the state’s budget on the back of expanded gambling. Instead of considering a broad-based tax, whether a progressive tax like income tax or a regressive one like sales tax, expanded gambling would create a tax base dependent on compulsive and addictive behavior, used more by poor people than by rich people. Our state, the place where we all live and contribute to the welfare of the whole, would be saying that it was willing to finance its shortfall on the backs of the poor and the addicted. This would be in addition to the thirty million dollars in cuts already made to state services, including the Department of Children, Youth and Families and the state child care subsidy. My yarn and my books–the ways I spend my entertainment dollars–would continue to go untaxed. As a non-gambler, I would not be asked to make any greater contribution to the state’s welfare than I do now.
Understanding the dangers of expanded gambling asks us to look at class difference clearly and without prejudice. It is easier than ever for households to acquire the trappings of a middle-class life. Consumer goods once thought to be luxuries, like DVD players (or even televisions), cable service, and electronic gadgets of all kinds are now easier and easier to purchase. Ironically, these “luxuries” are priced within reach of people living on a tight budget–or perhaps, are priced within the credit limits of their credit cards. These consumer goods make poorer people feel like they are part of the next class up, part of the America they see represented in commercials. They allow many people to “pass” as a member of a higher income bracket than they are.
In the meantime, investments in a secure future and a future for one’s children are increasingly out of reach. In 1960, minimum wage was one dollar per hour, or two thousand dollars per year (U.S.). A color TV cost $500, or 3 months’ wages (Genova). In-state tuition at University of Minnesota was $213 per year, or only 1.2 months’ wages (“University”). (I’m using the University of Minnesota as an example of a state university because their tuition information is available on-line.)
In 2009, minimum wage was $7.25 per hour, or $14,500 per year (U.S.). A LCD HDTV, a state-of-the-art TV comparable to a color TV in 1960, still costs about $500, or two weeks’ wages. In-state tuition at the University of Minnesota, however, has risen to $10,320 per year, or two-thirds of a minimum wage worker’s gross annual salary (“University”).
When I preached on class a year and a half ago, I framed this problem in terms of a society that did not reward frugality and good choices. But now I see our problems go beyond that. A person used to be able to pay for college with a summer job; now it takes debt and the sacrifice of an entire family for one person to get an education. Consumer culture is built on the idea that you can get what you want. Credit is easy and toys are cheap. Businesses don’t profit if people say to themselves, “Nah, I can’t afford that.” But our state is not in the business of making a profit. Our state ought to represent the best interests of the people who live here, rich and poor alike.
We must recognize that whatever a person’s standard of living looks like from the outside, there are real differences of means between the lowest and highest earners in our society. For high earners, college for one’s children is a foregone conclusion, and gambling is likely to be an occasional entertainment. For low earners, valuable goods like college may be completely out of reach, and gambling may be seen as a form of investment, however unlikely the payout. We cannot, as a state, balance our budget on the backs of the least fortunate among us. Gambling as entertainment is a personal choice. Gambling as public policy is predatory and unfair. We owe ourselves better than that.
Please join me in prayer.
Our hearts are charged with the spirit. We reach out in thought, and love and warmth to those around us, sharing our spirit with others. Together, we extend the spirit of this community beyond these walls and out into the world.
We ask for the courage to see those struggling in poverty as our kindred, not as a nameless “other,” but as brothers and sisters to our own hearts. We ask for help with our own financial worries and struggles, that we may be freed from the cycle of want and debt, and that we may find the means to pay for the necessities and investments in our lives. We ask for a spirit of generosity, that we may give out of our abundance of wealth or spirit to those who have less. We ask for strength as we continue our various works for justice and equality in our communities.
We ask the leaders of our nation and our state to feel this same compassion when they exercise their power and make choices for us all. We ask that the fire in our own hearts burn brightly for justice, helping us to do our civic duty. We ask that they, and we, have strength to remember our sacred calling: to do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with the Eternal.
We ask that this community remain united in its zeal for justice beyond the divisions of politics. Let us work together in common cause for the good of all the people in our community, our country, and our earth. Many things seek to divide us: politics, class, race and geography. May we ever seek to overcome these divisions and live as a more complete humanity together. Amen.
Sources
Fahey, Tom. “Deadline Approaches for Budget Negotiators.” Unionleader.com. 26 May 2010. Accessed 28 May 2010. http://www.theunionleader.com/article.aspx?headline=Deadline+approaches+for+budget+negotiators&articleId=da82e104-8240-48dd-b9ef-1b407ecacb05.
Genova, Tom. “TV Selling Prices.” Television History–The First 75 Years. Accessed 29 May 2010. http://www.tvhistory.tv/tv-prices.htm.
U. S. Department of Labor. “Federal Minimum Wage Rates, 1955-2009.” Infoplease. Pearson Education. Accessed 29 May 2010. http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0774473.html.
“University of Minnesota Annual Tuition Rates: 1960-61 to 2009-10: Twin Cities Campus.” University of Minnesota, Office of Institutional Research. 22 July 2009. Accessed 29 May 2010. http://www.irr.umn.edu/tuition/.
Welte, John W., et. al. “The Relationship of Ecological and Geographic Factors to Gambling Behavior and Pathology.” Journal of Gambling Studies 20.4 (2004): 405-423.